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Nickel and Dimed
NYC Has Always Struggled to Pay
for Subways
by James Murdock
Financing mass transit has always seemed impossible. The
price tag of the system 100 years ago seems but a drop in
the bucket compared to today's estimates for new mass transit
projects.
The contract for constructing New York City's first subway
totaled $33 million. This sum amounts to roughly $703 million
in today's currency, but it's a drop in the bucket compared
to what the Metropolitan Transportation Authority estimates
the system's overall price tag is now.
Were it to be built again from scratch, the subway's 1,960
track mi. and 468 passenger stations - along with power substations,
signaling systems and maintenance facilities - would cost
as much as $400 billion. "It would be almost impossible
to finance," said Mysore Nagaraja, president of MTA Capital
Construction Co.
Financing mass transit has always seemed impossible. Officials
at the MTA and all of its predecessors have faced the constant
challenge of covering routine operating and maintenance expenses
while also investing in system expansions, all without raising
fares too high.
"The ongoing question is how do we pay for our subways,"
said transit historian and author Peter Derrick
Five-Cent Fare Folly
The Steinway Commission, the first agency created to oversee
New York's subway, failed to attract a single serious bid
when it advertised for construction in 1892. Private investors
weren't interested in building and operating a subway unless
they >> were also able to control the fare box.
City leaders, though, wanted the fare to remain at a nickel
to allow poorer New Yorkers to commute to new housing in the
Bronx and Brooklyn.
The Rapid Transit Commission, Steinway's successor, formulated
a compromise: The city would pay to build the subway itself
and then lease it to a private operating company. John McDonald
won the first subway construction contract. He promptly sought
financial assistance from August Belmont, who represented
the interests of the wealthy Rothschild family.
Belmont founded the Interborough Rapid Transit Co., which
backed McDonald and operated the subway after it opened in
1904.
Ridership immediately exceeded expectations. The subway attracted
75 million passengers in its first year and the number kept
growing. But Derrick said that on closer analysis, Belmont
discovered the IRT was making money only on short-haul trips
within Manhattan and opposed the city's desire to expand the
system.
The stalemate between Belmont and city leaders lasted until
1913, when a new transit commission worked out what became
known as the dual contract. Under this agreement, the IRT
would pay $75.8 million for constructing new lines, and a
second private operating company, the Brooklyn Rapid Transit
Co., would pay $50.4 million; and the city would pay $123
million.
The dual contracts more than doubled the subway's size and
likewise expanded the revenue base. Currency inflation set
in after World War I, though, and cut the value of a nickel
by more than half. The operating companies were pushed to
the brink of bankruptcy. The BRT eventually succumbed and
was reborn in 1923 as the Brooklyn-Manhattan Transit Corp.
Throughout the 1920s, customer revenue was insufficient to
cover operating costs, let alone system expansion. The IRT
and BMT sought the city's permission to increase fares, but
the dual contracts had specified they could only charge a
nickel.
John Hylan, New York's mayor from 1918 to 1926, led the fight
against a fare increase. As it happened, he had once been
a motorman for the BRT. He was fired after nearly running
over his supervisor and had borne a grudge against the firm
ever since. Regardless of his reasons for hating the private
companies, the public supported Hylan.
"The public perception was that the private companies
were somehow making vast amounts of money and that if the
fare was raised it would only benefit the rich capitalists,"
Derrick said. "But the city was really the one holding
the bag because it had to pay off its bonds with tax dollars."
The matter eventually went before U.S. District Court, which
ruled in favor of the private companies' request to increase
fares, but the decision was then reversed by the U.S. Supreme
Court. The 5-cent fare remained until 1948 and led to disastrous
fiscal consequences.
"One huge mistake that New York made was to get tied
to the nickel fare," said Kenneth Jackson, a professor
of history and social sciences at Columbia University. "The
subway was a profit-making affair in the 1910s, but not in
the 1930s, and that's why we didn't have enough money for
capital improvements, maintenance and operating expenses."
The Subway's Nadir
Although the subway was already losing money and required
municipal subsidies, Hylan decided that the best way to run
the private operating companies out of business was to build
a city-operated subway to compete against them.
His subway, the Independent System, cost $674 million and
was financed through municipal bonds. In 1940, the same year
that the IND opened, the >> city finally bought out
the ailing IRT and BMT.
Subway ridership hit an all-time peak in 1947, exceeding
2 billion passengers, but soon entered a steady decline. The
fall was precipitated by the adoption of a five-day workweek,
which hurt Saturday ridership, but several factors other factors
contributed.
Nationwide, city planners believed that the future of transportation
belonged to the automobile, and the public agreed. Urban populations
began falling, as did municipal tax revenue, as people moved
out to the suburbs.
The federal government failed to help. The G.I. Bill allowed
returning military veterans to secure cheap, single-family
housing, and the government further encouraged suburban growth
by funding highway projects with 90-10 financing. (Uncle Sam
paid 90 percent of highway construction costs while local
authorities contributed just 10 percent.)
Although the same trends were present in New York City, voters
approved a $500 million bond issue in 1951 to build a Second
Avenue subway line. The money was soon diverted, though, to
fund routine maintenance and a massive campaign to lengthen
station platforms for new 10-car trains. In 1968, the newly
created MTA revived plans for the Second Avenue Subway. Construction
began on the first $90 million phase in 1972; it ground to
a halt just a few years later.
It is widely believed that New York City's legendary fiscal
crisis was the sole reason for stalling Second Avenue construction.
But according to Robert Olmsted, a transportation consultant
and retired MTA planner, 80 percent of the funding came from
the federal government and 15 percent came from the state.
"I'm not convinced the fiscal crisis had to stop construction,"
Olmsted said.
He added that what really killed the Second Avenue Subway
was New York City Mayor Abe Beame's decision to shuffle capital
funds into the MTA's operating budget. Whatever the case,
the MTA had bigger problems. By 1975, it was running a deficit
of nearly $500 million. Years of deferred maintenance caught
up with the subway. Trains were covered in graffiti and broke
down every 7,000 mi. Ridership fell to its lowest level in
six decades.
Back from the Brink
Bringing the subway back from the brink of collapse seemed
like an impossibility, but the MTA did it. Since 1982, the
agency has spent $48 billion on upgrades and station rehabilitation.
Funding has come from everything from the sale of real estate
assets to gas tax revenue.
During the last funding cycle, though, the MTA relied heavily
on bond issues. The result has been spiraling debt payments
and the looming prospect of deficits. Debt service accounts
for 12 percent of the agency's overall budget in 2004, a share
that will jump to 15 percent in 2005 and is largely responsible
for projected budget deficits of $539 million in 2005 and
$1.18 billion in 2006.
To close these gaps, the MTA is proposing a combination of
measures, from layoffs and reduced pensions to limited fare
hikes and service cutbacks. It is even considering reduced
maintenance. Board members won't vote on the measures until
December, but MTA watchdog groups are already voicing concern.
"Our top priority has been and will always be fixing
the system and keeping it in good repair," said Gene
Russianoff, staff attorney for the Straphangers Campaign.
"There's been a lot of progress since 1982, but that
progress will be at risk if there isn't continued investment."
Observers are particularly concerned that New York City might
go the way of London, which underfunded subway maintenance
to instead pay for a massive system expansion during the 1990s.
"We can't do what London did," Russianoff said.
"It built Jubilee line and now the existing Underground
is a mess and it has to be brought back from near collapse."
Nagaraja said maintaining state of good repair is his No.
1 priority. For this reason, the MTA will look to the state
and federal government for assistance with its capital projects
such as the Second Avenue line. But observers remain skeptical.
"The MTA may be engaging in wishful thinking,"
said Jeffrey Zupan, senior fellow for transportation at the
Regional Plan Association Inc. "To say that you'll rely
increasingly on the feds runs contrary to what recent history
shows is possible."
New York has been receiving a smaller and smaller portion
of federal mass transit funds in recent years because the
state's population is shrinking relative to other states,
he added. Funding for the South Ferry and Fulton Street Transit
Center projects was an anomaly.
But there is a more inherent problem with federal money,
said Clifton Hood, associate professor of history at Hobart
and William Smith Colleges. Capital projects typically stretch
over several years and therefore require a steady funding
stream, something that the political appropriations process
cannot guarantee.
The danger is that if New York City fails to expand its subway
system, much less maintain a state of good repair, it risks
losing jobs to other regions in the United States and worldwide.
Cities including Paris, Hong Kong, Seoul and Tokyo have recently
invested heavily in mass transit. In Paris, subways are funded
through a dedicated payroll tax.
Russianoff said New York City should create its own dedicated
funding stream for subway construction, possibly by adding
tolls on the East River bridges or by reintroducing the commuter
tax.
But raising taxes is never easy. "It takes real leadership
to do it," Russianoff added.
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